The Keys To Power

Originally published in the Informanté newspaper on Thursday, 6 April, 2017.



After President Jacob Zuma’s sacking of his Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, political tension in South Africa is once again on the rise. With Standard & Poor’s downgrading South Africa’s credit rating, it seems that their country is in uprising. Yet President Zuma seems impregnable – with the ANC confirming that none of their MP’s would vote to remove him from office.

How can this be explained? Well, it involves exploring the murky depths of political theory. In this instance, the rules that bind leaders and allow them to lead. For a more detailed explanation of the theory that I’m about to present, please consult a copy of “The Dictator’s Handbook: Why Bad Behaviour Is Almost Always Good Politics” by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Alistair Smith.

To put it simply: No one rules alone. No one person has absolute authority. The power that a leader has is not to act, but to get others to act on his or her behalf, using whatever he has in the treasury to get them to do so. After all, a leader does not build roads alone, doesn’t enforce the laws alone, and certainly can’t defend the nation alone. He or she needs an army, with a general in charge. He or she needs a treasury, and someone to fill it. He or she needs laws, and someone to enforce it… And so the list goes on. 

Every leader has these ‘pillars’ that uphold his or her power. Without them, a leader can do nothing. This concept remains true whether it’s for a dictatorship or a democracy, a corporation or an NGO. The only difference is the number of pillars a leader needs to support his/her power. Still, no matter the number of pillars, the rules for getting and maintaining power remains the same.

First, get the key pillars on your side. They give you the power to act. Second, control the treasury. This ensures you can get compensated for your hard work, and, of course, enable you to pay those key pillars for their loyalty and ensure your leadership. This is actually a leader’s true job – to optimize the amount of resources acquired, and distribute them in the best way so as to ensure his/her continued leadership. Thirdly, minimize your key pillars. After all, if a pillar is not required, any resources allocated that way could be better spent securing the loyalty of another pillar. After all, not all pillars required to gain power are required to maintain it. 

Now, you might be thinking to yourself, “Well, I can see how that’s true for a dictatorship, but democracies don’t work like that!” Let me remind you then, that no one rules alone. Every president and prime minister has to negotiate with their parliaments and house of representatives. They have their own key pillars. “But surely”, you say, “those key pillars are so fractured amongst so many people! It would be impossible to follow these rules and buy their loyalty!” 

Is it, though? Democracies usually have way more complicated laws and tax codes than the simple extractive, strong-hand laws of dictatorships. This is not by accident – this is how the loyalty of key pillars are assured! All those voting citizens can be divided into blocs – the elderly, homeowners, farmers, the poor etc. Farming subsidies, for example, are not about farming at all – it depends on whether the farmer voting bloc is a key pillar. When the farming vote doesn’t swing an election in a country, there are no farming subsidies. 

And even the third rule applies in a democracy. While it might not be feasible to eliminate those who don’t support a leader, it is possible to make it easier for key blocs to vote than other groups. Party rules can have pre-elections with complicated rules to ensure those in power stay in power. And even in a democracy there are influential individuals that can be rewarded by special loopholes, passing laws that favour them…

Given all this, why then do we as citizens prefer democracies to dictatorships? Because of rule two – the treasury. Leaders always want to increase the size of the treasury. In dictatorships, there is no tax code – wealth is taken directly. But in a democracy, there is a tax, but it is comparatively lower than that of dictatorships. Why would that be, if these rules apply? Firstly, cutting taxes buys votes! Unable to raise taxes, but wanting to increase their treasury, leaders in democracies need citizens to be more productive to bring in more taxes. Hence why some of the treasury is diverted towards increasing education, health, infrastructure – all in order to increase the tax they generate. 

This is why people’s revolts only succeed in those countries between the two extremes of government. In a powerful dictatorship, there was not need to develop the citizenry or infrastructure, and no one makes a worse revolutionary than a starving illiterate citizen. In a democracy, however, a revolt would be near impossible to organize, because a revolt would also destroy the source of the wealth of the treasury – the productivity of the citizens. In a democracy, a revolt only truly becomes possible if the wealth of the treasury is no longer dependent on the citizens. 

When we thus look at South Africa through this lens, much becomes clear. President Zuma had lost control of the treasury, and was acting to regain control of it, and thus secure his power. Those who wrested power from him more than a year ago had failed to secure any of the other key pillars of his power, and thus could not unseat him. The declaration of the ANC that they would not vote to remove him confirms his position is once again secure.

As it turns out, shifts in power and the reasons for them become much clearer once you become aware of these rules. They apply from the highest level, for presidents, their cabinet and parliaments, to corporation, with CEO’s and their boards to the smallest, like church councils and homeowners associations. To you. Because you cannot ignore the zeroth rule: Without power, you cannot affect anything.

In The Interest Of Security

Originally published in the Informanté newspaper on Thursday, 30 March, 2017.


Whenever we access the internet, we rely on information security. In particular, we all rely on a subsystem of the internet we hardly pay any attention to – the Domain Name System. As it happens, computers are not quite as enamoured as you and I are for pesky human-readable words. They’d rather depend on numbers. And thus, most websites on the internet have a numerical address – to go to Google’s web page, for example, you can just type 172.217.6.132 in your web browser, and voila! You’re there! 

Needless to say, remembering strings of numbers is quite taxing, and that’s why the Domain Name System exists. You type in ‘www.google.com’, and a domain name server will be queried with your request. It then returns the numerical internet protocol address for the web site you’re trying to visit. Quite crucial, wouldn’t you say, for easy access to the internet.

We trust the domain name system implicitly. When we type in a web address, we trust it will take us to the site we are trying to reach – whether that be Facebook, or online banking facilities. So consider this: What if the Domain Name System was compromised? What if someone were to rewrite this global phone book of the internet, and when you type in the address for your bank, it returns a different site? Similar looking, but designed to capture your online banking details, and empty your account? 

This question, naturally, has haunted the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) as well. They are the non-profit organization responsible for co-ordinating and maintaining the DNS, ensuring its stable and secure operation. They operate the 13 root name servers that provide the authoritative addresses for all top-level domains. To use ‘www.google.com’ as an example, your computer asks the root name server where to find information on ‘.com’. The root name server directs your computer to the verified ‘.com’ directory service, which will instruct it where to find the directory service for ‘.google.com’, and the google.com directory service will provide the final address for ‘www.google.com’.

The root name server is thus the first link in the chain to direct you to the correct website, and the authenticity of its information is critical to maintain a secure and stable internet. And so, ICANN devised a system to ensure the root name servers can be trusted. They signed these records with an asymmetric cryptographic key. Now, usually cryptography work via symmetric keys – you’d know it as a password. Someone encrypts something with a password, then you can only open that information if you know the password as well. 

Asymmetric keys work a bit differently. They have a public key and a private key. The public key can be shared far and wide, while the private key is held in secret – shared with no one. When something is encrypted with the private key, the public key can decrypt it, while if something is encrypted with the public key, only the private key can decrypt it. Thus, when you sign something with a private key, it can be trusted to only come from you, since the public key can decrypt it, and no one else knows the private key that can be used to create such a message. Conversely, when you encrypt something with the public key, you can be sure that only someone with the private key will be able to open it. 

Every chain in the DNS system thus signs their records, and to ensure you know its secure, their public key is signed by the layer above. But as you travel upwards, you reach a level where a key cannot be signed by anyone above – the root key. The master key of the entire system. The private key that signs that all other public keys so you can be sure they’re genuine. The private key that has to be kept safe at all costs. 

And so, ICANN has kept them secure. In two facilities, 4 000 km apart, there sits 2 specialized devices called a Hardware Security Modules. In their rooms, no electrical signals can come in or out. Building security guards are barred, as are cleaners. These rooms are surrounded by multiple layers of physical security such as building guards, cameras, monitored cages and safes. These modules resist physical tampering - if someone attempts to open the device or even drops it, the HSM erases all the keys it stores to prevent compromise.

The Hardware Security Modules are used to generate and store the root key, but to use them, physical keys are needed that must be inserted into the module. Fourteen Trusted Community Representatives, the Cryptographic Officers from across the globe, have a physical key that is used to access a smartcard stored in a safety deposit box that is used during the key ceremony to activate the HSM, seven for each location. Seven more Trusted Community Representatives, Recovery Key Share Holders, each have a smart card containing a fragment of the code needed to build a replacement Hardware Security Module in case all four are destroyed. Once a year, these Recovery Key Holders have to send ICANN a photograph of themselves with that day’s newspaper and their key to confirm all is well. 

Whenever they meet to generate a new key, they pass stringent security measures, requiring them to pass through two doors that each require a smartcard, pin code and a hand scan in sequence. Only then do their keys have any purpose, as outside the facility the keys cannot be used to access the root key. Only once they’ve all entered, and set up the machine, will the master key be generated, and a lengthy cryptographic code be produced. 

So whenever you find yourself typing in the address of a website, cast a thought for the level of security that is behind your simply query of the Domain Name System. And ask yourself, if others are willing to invest this much effort to ensure your information security, how much are you willing to invest? Because security comes not only from without, but from within as well. ICANN’s measures are of no use to you if your own passwords are insecure.

For Budget And Country

Originally published in the Informanté newspaper on Thursday, 16 March, 2017.


It’s been a year since Minister Calle Schlettwein last presented his Budget Statement to parliament, and what a year it has been. The economy had taken blow after blow – first from the commodity price crash, then the effects of the drought, then from the global economy struggling in light of political upheaval in advanced economies… the list goes on.

It should then be no surprise that the Namibian economy found itself struggling this year. By now, the estimate for 2016’s growth has dropped to only 1%, with growth for 2017 being revised downwards to 2.5%. As a result, Namibia found itself not only facing a slowing economy, but with sliding confidence, also a lack of liquidity. It is in this climate that Minister Schlettwein had to prepare and present his Budget Statement for the next year. So let’s take a look at what he presented:


Let’s start at the top, with government revenues. In total, the government expects to receive about N$ 56.4 billion from various sources, down from N$ 57 billion last year (later reduced to N$ 51.5 billion by mid-year), reflecting Namibia’s difficult situation. N$ 53.3 billion will be from taxes, with N$ 19.2 billion from income taxes – as paid by us every year, and paid by the various companies operating in Namibia. Another N$ 34.1 billion is collected via indirect taxes, like VAT, that you pay when purchasing products or importing products, and transfer duties and property taxes. Then an additional N$ 2.6 billion is raised from other sources, such as dividends and profit shares from government investments and interest of loans and investments, royalties on minerals mined, and fines and administration fees. 

So far, so good. It seems quite prudent, given the state of the economy, and it seems the government is not making the mistake of over-estimating its revenues again, and having to adjust it as they did during last year. So, let us take a look at the expenditure now. Minister Schlettwein’s budget indicates that the government intends to spend N$ 62.5 billion this year. How is this allocated?

As usual, the biggest expense is the N$ 12.0 billion is budgeted for Basic Education. It has been noted that education is the greatest equaliser, and the Namibian government is certainly striving toward it, as government spending on education dwarfs other spending by a significant amount. In fact, Namibia is one of only three countries in the world where education is the top spending priority for government. An additional N$ 3.1 billion is budgeted for Higher Education, Training and Innovation.

Health and Social Services receive N$ 6.4 billion in the budget, and N$ 3.3 billion goes to the Ministry of Poverty Eradication and Social Welfare.  The budget increases the old age pension grant to N$ 1 200 per month, allowing our oldest and most vulnerable of citizens to be placed above the national poverty line. The Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Safety and Security receive N$ 5.6 billion and N$ 5.0 billion respectively. Together, the abovementioned ministries receive more than 50% of the budget. 

The rest of the ministries are funded by the remainder, as well as several infrastructure development programme, which inter alia include the rehabilitation of the national railway, the on-going expansion of the Port of Walvis Bay, several national roads water and storage infrastructure, the Mass Land Serving Programme and increased funding to the Public Financial Institutions for private sector support and SME development.

As you may have noticed, our government expenditures exceed our revenue – this is what is called our budget deficit. This year, however, it only amounts to 3.6% of GDP, in contrast to the 6.3% of last year. This is due to the fiscal consolidation stance taken by the Ministry of Finance to maintain our macroeconomic stability and sovereign credit rating of our bonds. As a result of the prudent budgeting, only N$ 6.1 billion worth of debt funding will have to be raised by government this year. 

This was achieved by reducing unproductive capital spend and non-core recurrent spending, while refocusing expenditures to national development priorities. This enabled government to cap our national debt at 42%, which otherwise would have ballooned to 46%, and put pressure on our finances via debt servicing costs, as well as jeopardised our credit rating, which was already downgraded to outlook negative last year. 

With the economy just starting to rebound, and only expected to recover to 2.5%, policies to improve domestic resilience, economic and market diversification, regional integration and national competitiveness are of primary importance for Namibia, especially in the light of several large completion projects that has reduced our investment rates to more realistic levels. 

The coming year will be an unconventional one. In contrast to the previous decades, the geopolitical shifts towards protectionist policies and away from multilateralism and globalization could slow global growth and trade. Namibia’s inflation has just reached new highs, while our currency has strengthened again after weakening last year. This indicates that we might experience trade problems going forward, especially if the commodity price recovery does not continue as envisaged.  

This budget, at least, should give some reassurance that the government is keeping its eye on the ball, and positioning itself against adverse conditions, while simultaneously attempting to put the country on the right footing for rapid growth should the opportunity present itself. Still, this quick summary is no replacement for your own – every citizen should avail themselves of the documents as presented on the Ministry of Finance website, and make their own assessment. It is our duty to keep the government accountable and transparent. Namibia expects every man and woman to do his/her duty.